Earlier there used to be more travels, so now there are more journeys.
Four errors indecisive the outcome of perceived national change and a six-year term: without resolving the haste of presidential succession; radicalization of the position when the original proposal was to moderate it; The increase in the strength of the cadre is not suitable for its use; and resistance to reconsidering government work, when the pandemic and the resulting economic impact necessitate a review of priorities.
Correction is no longer possible. Insistence seals the action, but if the head of the party, the government and the state do not pay attention to the circumstances, as well as unnecessarily open fronts, the end of his administration may not be as happy, happy, happy as He would like
Despite his mastery of communicating without telling, President López Obrador has lost the ability to set the agenda. Circumstances inside and outside the movement he leads and the government he leads have led him to be defensive from the offensive and show occasional signs of desperation.
If the rush of the game of succession allowed the executive to quell the perceived re-election temptation promoted by his opponents and to mitigate the damage suffered by the tragedy of Metro Line 12 on Claudia Sheinbaum and Marcelo Ebrard, he is now aware of its effects. suffering without resolving. that set. The costs that affect movement coherence affect government action and force us to pay attention to the different voices and actions of people when microphones and the stage were part of the presidential empire.
If the president wanted to relieve Sheinbaum and Ebrard, including Tatiana Clothier, Rocio Nahle, Juan Ramón de la Fuente and Esteban Moctezuma as possible successors, while dismissing Ricardo Monreal, the second effect of the operation was counterproductive. The secretaries and ambassadors did not echo the charioteer and yes, instead, Senator Monreal found out about it, while the head of government and the chancellor of the capital did so not only on the basis of his public responsibility, but on the basis of his legitimate political interest. also started working.
Delay in resolving the protracted President López Obrador succession or, at least, assuming the result will, for him, have high costs for the government and the movement. For now, there is no cooling, but a confrontation between the executive and the head of the Senate.
Within the framework of this tension, two issues have been put up for debate that touch the heart of the problem: the radicalization of the movement’s principles and the method of selecting the presidential candidate.
If the president now declares himself to be a radical leftist – pardon the redundancy, rooted in – determined not to run in the center or zigzag, he forgets the campaign speech and the inaugural speech, as well as the original liberal team of allies. . A plurality and practice with the cadres that voted for him and, later, gave center and balance to his government: supporting change without change and not breaking up without change. Now you can change your position, but do not ignore it, in this way, you exceed the limits of the mandate received and disappoint those who saw in your first position, a viable and national change, so to say no. , inclusive.
For the selection of presidential candidates through elections, the lack of transparency in their surveys and zero publicity of the results has reduced the credibility of this method. Sure, it was a legitimate resource that has been used by more than one party, but without credit they replace the “finger” with a demoscopic disguise. Far from recognizing and supporting the method in the designation of candidates for state governments, Morena was discrediting it and, facing presidential succession, opened the door to more conflict than had been seen before.
These problems, as well as the neglect of the functions of many governors elevated by Morena, either alone or in coalition, make that party equal to the rest and their governments on par with previous governments.
Morena measures the popularity and perception of her candidates and when they come to power, she not only ignores them, but also tolerates them and protects them from misdeeds. There are at least four governors and one former governor who must be called into account, but two stand out: Veracruz and Morelos, Cuitlahuac García and Cuautémoc Blanco. No one knows how power is exercised, but they abuse it. And the worst manifestation of political distortions looms large over them or their governments: having or suspected of having links to crime.
It is wrong for Morena to take care to increase his strength and not to worry about what he has already accumulated. The synonym of giving shelter to those who corrupt the power is collusion or concealment. Well, why not want to root out those practices?
Alongside these setbacks is an unfavorable environment—inflation with little or no growth—and, as if that weren’t enough, we can see a nesting web of malaise.
Violation of promises, lack of coverage of vital needs, fatigue in the face of hostility towards study centers, uncertainty for certainty, sieges instead of seriously reforming institutions, train construction without tracks, selective administration of justice and, moreover, The extravagance of requesting cancellation of the mandate to confirm it.
It cannot be fixed with scholarship, nor by blaming the past for the present or by making a splendid matter, for a moment, erase the absence of the future. Hence the importance of taking advantage of convalescence to ask yourself again: what do I need and what can I do. Hello, President.